NEGOTIATING WITH ARMED GROUPS: SRI LANKA
AND BEYOND
Address by His Excellency Bernard Goonetilleke
Ambassador of Sri Lanka
at the
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Massachusetts
on April 6, 2006
At a recent hearing of the Asia and Pacific Sub-Committee
of the House International Relations Committee, a Congressman
pleading that the FTO status of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE) be lifted, inquired “What is the difference
between terrorism on the one hand, and waging a legitimate guerrilla
struggle on the other”. The carefully negotiated and balanced
language used in the General Assembly Resolution 51/210 of 1999
provides the answer to that question. It reiterated “that
criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror
in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons
for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable,
whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological,
racial, ethnic, religious or other nature that may be invoked
to justify them”. It condemned all such acts, methods and
practices of terrorism as criminal and unjustifiable, wherever
and by whosoever committed.
The definition of terrorism used by the U.S.
Department of State, is much simpler and determines that terrorism
is “the calculated use of violence or the threat of violence
to inculcate fear, intended to coerce or intimidate government
or society as to the pursuit of goals”.
Often terrorist groups argue that resorting to
such acts of terror is permissible in their quest for self-determination,
and some even try to bolster their case by making partial reference
to paragraph 7 of the 1970 Declaration on Friendly Relations and
Cooperation among States, made in the context of decolonization.
That declaration supported the realisation of equal rights and
self determination of peoples in accordance with the provision
of the Charter, and spoke of the duty of every state to render
assistance to the U.N. in carrying out the responsibilities entrusted
to it by the Charter. The Vienna Declaration of 1993 reaffirmed
the 1970 Declaration by recognising that all peoples have the
right to self-determination. Amplifying that right, it said “Taking
into account the particular situation of peoples under colonial
or other forms of alien domination or foreign occupation, the
World Conference on Human Rights recognizes the right of peoples
to take any legitimate action, in accordance with the Charter
of the United Nations”. Therefore, it is evident that right
of self determination could be pursued only through legitimate
action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. Resorting
to acts of terrorism are neither legitimate, nor such acts can
expect to gain legitimacy through the UN Charter under the cover
of the right to self determination.
It is against this background that one should
reflect on the questioning by the congressman concerned whether
the LTTE should be regarded as terrorists or freedom fighters,
as well as apparent justification of their acts by some, despite
the trail of blood and destruction left behind by that group in
pursuit of the right to “self determination”.
THE SRI LANKAN CONTEXT
The historical context of the ethnic conflict
in Sri Lanka is well known. The 1957 Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam
Pact and 1965 Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact are milestones in
our search for a negotiated solution to that conflict. After several
disappointing setbacks, the peaceful struggle of the Sri Lankan
Tamils for political space took a militant turn in the mid 1970s,
and was hijacked by several militant groups in the early 1980s.
The politically motivated attacks against the Tamils in July 1983,
where many Tamils lost their lives and large numbers were displaced,
is a blot on Sri Lanka’s recent history. In the subsequent
period Tamil militant groups increased their acts of terror, such
as massacres of villagers, bombing of buses, trains, planes, places
of worship, and economic targets etc., deliberately directed against
non combatants with a view to attaining their political goal of
a separate state.
The gulf between the demands made by the Tamil
politicians in the north and the resistance to those demands by
the Sinhala politicians in the south was so wide; reaching an
accommodation acceptable to both parties had always been a difficult
problem. Since the failed Thimpu Talks, successive administrations
in Sri Lanka sought to reach accommodation with the LTTE, which
after 1985 had effectively neutralized other Tamil militant groups
through a campaign of internecine warfare. A series of negotiations
with the LTTE in 1987, 1989, and 1994, under Presidents Jayawardene,
Premadasa and Kumaratunga, respectively were another set of milestones.
It must be pointed out that, as the respective administrations
were engaged in such negotiations, acts of terrorism by the LTTE
against the civilian population, as well as political figures,
continued unabated resulting in the assassination of former Indian
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, President Premadasa, and an attempt
on the life of former President Chandrika Kumaratunga in 1999
by employing suicide bombers. These attacks were designed to eliminate
those very leaders, who were spearheading political negotiations,
derail whatever political process that was underway, and most
of all to provoke a backlash against the Tamil community in the
south.
One thing is certain, that is the LTTE failed
to provoke such a backlash.
WHY DOES SRI LANKA NEGOTIATE WITH A TERRORIST GROUP
The question one might ask is why did successive
governments continue their search for a political solution despite
these grave provocations.
Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, following the
lead of the United States, there appears to have developed an
unwritten convention that governments must not negotiate with
terrorists. This position seems to have been further strengthened
following the terrorist attacks, such as those that took place
in Madrid, London, Jakarta, Beslan etc., targeting innocent and
unsuspecting civilians.
It is against this backdrop that the decision
of the Sri Lanka Government to enter into a ceasefire agreement
with the LTTE in February 2002, to remove the proscription against
that organisation, and subsequently to commence negotiations,
despite the fact the LTTE had remained a proscribed terrorist
organisation in India, the U.S. and the U.K., should be examined.
The simple answer to this question is twofold.
The first was the consistent belief of successive Sri Lankan governments
that there was a need to address the real and legitimate grievances
of the Tamil people. The second was that after many years of armed
confrontation which ended in a stalemate, the realisation that
resorting to military means was not a feasible option.
CHALLENGES IN NEGOTIATING WITH ARMED GROUPS
Having been involved in the previous round of
negotiations between the Sri Lanka Government and the LTTE in
2002/2003, I have had the opportunity to observe first hand the
pot holes experienced in the journey in search of a political
solution. In this context, I wish to identify four main challenges
faced in negotiating with the LTTE, which has often used terrorism
as a means of achieving its political goals.
i. The use of negotiations as a mere
tactical ploy.
If we were to retrace our steps to the several
rounds of negotiations, such as those that took place in 1987,
1989, and 1994 or even 2002-2003, one aspect becomes crystal clear.
That was, the LTTE effectively used each round of negotiation
as a tactical ploy to achieve certain politico/military advantages.
The decision to negotiate in 1987 came about due to the Indo-Lanka
Accord. However, the LTTE reneged its commitments within weeks
of that agreement and took on the Indian Peace Keeping Force that
caused numerous casualties to both sides. In 1989, the LTTE found
common ground with the Premadasa administration, due to the mutual
eagerness on the part of both parties to see the departure of
the IPKF from the island, but returned to armed conflict soon
after the departure of the IPKF having massacred over 600 policemen,
who had surrendered to the LTTE. Later a LTTE suicide bomber succeeded
in killing the President. In 1994, the LTTE reached an understanding
with the Kumaratunga administration. However, having carried out
several suicide attacks during the period of the truce, three
months later, the LTTE broke the ceasefire agreement and returned
to armed conflict. Later in 1999, the LTTE employed a suicide
bomber, who nearly killed President Kumaratunga. Finally, against
the backdrop of 9/11, the group declared a unilateral ceasefire
in December 2001 and entered into a formal ceasefire agreement
with the Wickremesinghe administration in February 2002. Although
they did not abrogate the Ceasefire Agreement, which continues
to be in operation, they did abruptly end political negotiations
in April 2003. Despite the ongoing Ceasefire Agreement, the LTTE
made an attempt to assassinate a Tamil Cabinet Minister using
a suicide bomber in July 2004, and succeeded in assassinating
the Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar in August 2005 who was
also a Tamil.
A close examiniation of these events shows one
common thread: the LTTE skilfully employed ceasefire agreements
and political negotiations with one objective in mind. That was
to continue its quest for a separate state, albeit stage by stage.
In 1987 it was the Indian pressure, in 1989 it was the desire
to see the IPKF leaving the island, and in 1994 it was the hope
that the Kumaratunga government could be manipulated to give in
to their manifold demands that prompted the LTTE to temporarily
cease armed confrontation. In essence, agreement to pause fighting
was due to tactical reasons and not with the intention of reaching
a negotiated political solution.
ii. The absence of a commitment to any
political settlement.
The constant slogan of the LTTE both during the
periods of armed conflict and periods of truce has been and still
is “The thirst of Tamil people is for the Tamil Eelam”.
In other words, irrespective of what was said and done, the LTTE
has not deviated from its ultimate goal over the years and it
continues to focus on the separate state or the ‘promised
land’ that was pledged to the Tamil people since the inception
of the organization. If that is the case, we have to conclude
that the several rounds of negotiations the LTTE had with the
government, were in fact ‘pit stops’ in the journey
toward that final goal.
What happened in Oslo in December 2003 was a
clear example of the determination of the LTTE to ensure that
political negotiations go only in circles but not forward. At
a time when the negotiations were virtually grinding to a halt,
the Norwegian facilitators successfully got the two parties to
address issues of substance, at which point both parties agreed
to focus on several core issues. viz.
- Power-sharing between the centre and the region,
as well as within the centre;
- Geographical region;
- Human Rights protection;
- Political and administrative mechanism;
- Public finance; and
- Law and order.
However, it appears that the LTTE leadership
had concluded that due to international pressure, the negotiations
were moving in a direction away from its declared goal for a separate
state. Consequently, during the last three rounds of talks, these
issues of substance referred to in Oslo were not allowed to be
discussed by the LTTE delegation. With international pressure
mounting for the LTTE to moderate its stance, there was only one
way out of the situation. That was to walk out of the negotiations,
which the LTTE did in April 2003. In the final analysis, the LTTE
did what it had to. The inference we must draw from it, is that
their thirst for Eelam had to be quenched at any cost.
iii. LTTE’s abhorrence to democratic
practices.
The LTTE claims that it is the sole representative
of the Tamil people. This is not a claim made on the basis of
a democratic process through which that organisation had been
conferred such a responsibility by the Tamil people. Since its
inception in the early 1970s, the LTTE had made every effort to
be the pre-eminent organization, which status the organization
was eventually able to achieve by a ruthless campaign of attacks
against other Tamil militant organizations, which included bombings
and assassinations both in Sri Lanka and in India. Commenting
on this issue Nirmala Rajasingham, sister of Rajini Thiranagama,
who was slain by the LTTE in 1989, told the BBC recently, if the
Tamils accept the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil
people “then that means there is no room for any other alternate
political opinion or political party”.
Others have posed the question as to what kind
of representative organisation the LTTE could claim to be when
it forcibly conscripts its own under aged children, in certain
instances even those under 10 years of age, through deceit and
coercion to be used as cannon fodder for armed combat? The UNICEF
has documented this abhorrent practice of the LTTE and paragraph
48 of the United Nations Secretary General’s report to the
Security Council (S/2005/72) has named the LTTE among other armed
groups in the world engaged in child conscription.
An important decision taken during the 2002/2003
peace negotiations to address human rights violations taking place
in the North and the East was the decision taken by the two parties
to engage the services of an internationally recognised human
rights advocate, Ian Martin, who was tasked with the function
of developing a road map for promotion and protection of human
rights. That road map was to be adopted at the 7th round of the
peace negotiations, which was to be held on 29th April 2003. However,
one week prior to the appointed date, the LTTE decided to terminate
the peace talks, THUS ERECTING A ROAD BLOCK TO the relisation
human rights. To those who were familiar with the past negotiating
record of the LTTE unilaterally decided this decision did not
come as a surprise, for it was clear that the LTTE by that time
had come to the conclusion that the trajectory of the peace talks
was taking the organisation to a destination beyond their comfort
level.
It is therefore, evident that the LTTE is not
yet ready to transform itself from what it is today to a democratic
entity, and seek to represent the Tamil people after having obtained
a democratic mandate.
iv. The tendency to view the international
community as a malleable entity.
The international dimension of the Sri Lankan
conflict began to unfurl with the riots of July 1983, which saw
thousands of Tamils leaving their island home. Those who had limited
means ended up in refugee camps in South India and others, who
had the means or relatives in the West, moved to Europe, Canada
and elsewhere.
With the hapless refugees, another group of individuals
began to move. Those were the individuals belonging to various
Tamil armed groups. Among them were the members of the LTTE, who
saw fertile grounds not only for their propaganda campaign but
also for collecting funds for continuation of its armed struggle
in Sri Lanka. The means adopted by them to achieve their objectives
were a mixture of coercion, intimidation and downright extortion,
exploiting Tamil households, Tamil businesses, places of religious
worship etc. The Human Rights Watch published details of such
activities of the LTTE and its front organisations in the U.S.,
Canada and several countries in Europe, on March 15 under the
title “Funding the “Final War”: LTTE Intimidation
and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora”. With funds flowing
in to their war chest uninterrupted, there is hardly any reason
for the LTTE to move away from their current policy of armed confrontation.
It is a well-known fact that militant groups
have the tendency to use periods of ceasefire and particularly
negotiation, where the pressure that might have previously been
applied on them, both domestically and internationally, is relaxed
to their advantage. In fact, they use such negotiations to bolster
themselves – financially, militarily and politically, in
a manner to leverage their legitimacy. Paradoxically, most democratic
political regimes that seek to walk the extra mile, and engage
with militant groups, end up being victims through the process
of democratic accountability.
The LTTE has more than on one occasion succeeded
in deceiving the international community in such manner. The reluctance
of the Canadian Government as well as the EU to add the LTTE to
its list of proscribed terrorist organisations, for fear that
it would jeopardize the talks is a clear case in point.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, I wish to point out that there
are numerous instances where terrorist groups have given up their
violent practices and transformed themselves in to political organisations.
The PLO and the IRA could be cited as two such examples. Similarly,
there have been instances where, with the support and encouragement
of international players, militant organisations have given up
armed confrontation and sought political settlements. We have
such examples in South Sudan as well as recently in Aceh, Indonesia.
The most recent terrorist group that had engaged in acts of terrorism
to secure the right to self determination to give up terrorism
and armed struggle was the Basque Separatist Movement (ETA) of
Spain. On March 24, ETA declared a ceasefire stating that the
objective of their decision was to “launch a democratic
process in Basque country with a view to bringing a new framework
within which our rights as a people will be recognized”.
In fact, there was a time, when in 1989, the
LTTE made a brief foray into politics with the registration of
a political party: People’s Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT).
Unfortunately, that was done for merely tactical purposes and
was short lived. There was also the expectation that the LTTE
might seriously consider transforming themselves into a political
entity in the aftermath of the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement
in February 2002. In fact, during the press interview given following
the signing of the ceasefire agreement, LTTE leader Prabakaran
assured that space would be given for political parties to function
in the areas dominated by that organisation. Similar assurances
were also given by the leader of the LTTE delegation during press
conferences held following the negotiating rounds that were held
in several venues. But that promise too was never kept. Instead,
the LTTE has adopted a hunt and kill policy with a view to eliminating
political opposition which has lead to armed confrontation between
the LTTE and other Tamil political groups.
The time has come, for the LTTE to make good
of the lip service it constantly pays, by allowing return of democracy
to the north and the east of Sri Lanka. The international community
has a special responsibility to ensure that the LTTE makes that
historical transition. It would be unthinkable that the international
community, which insists on transforming autocratic states into
democracies, should persuade Sri Lanka, an “old democracy”,
to change its democratic practices with a view to accommodating
an authoritarian organisation.
In my view, the international community has also
a special responsibility to ensure that militants/terrorists,
who enter into negotiations, stay locked on to them and that such
groups eventually make the paradigm shift from armed struggle
to political negotiations.
Past experience makes it amply clear that international
appeals and demands that the LTTE ends terrorism and embraces
democracy “by word and by deed”, have not evoked the
desired response. It is time that the international community
severally and collectively considered more imaginative ways of
making it clear to the LTTE that their resort to terrorism to
secure reasonable and legitimate aspirations of the Tamil people,
is passé.
I wish to highlight four tangible means that
come to my mind, through which this objective might be achieved:
i. Given that financial support is pivotal to
the sustenance of armed struggles, particularly in situations,
where such groups are supported by Diaspora living in western
democracies, there is a real need to prevail upon them to stop
funding armed struggle that contribute to terrorism. Instead,
such armed groups should be persuaded to seek negotiated political
settlements.
ii. Monitor the movement of weapons and personnel
in support of such groups with even greater intensity with a view
to interdicting such movements.
iii. Instead of allowing armed groups to go scot-free
when they engage in unlawful or illegal activities, in the erroneous
presumption that taking action against them would be prejudicial
to the peace process, to act with vigour to prevent and pre-empt
such activities.
iv The principle of proportionality must also
be applied by the international community in dealings with armed
groups, so that such groups are not rewarded in expectation of
good behaviour in the future, but for tangible progress made in
negotiations.
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